Second, I argue that although the principle of trademark territoriality has nominally remained constant since the conclusion of the Paris Convention, recent developments at both the national and international level suggest that the principle may have a different intensity today. Third, the paper begins an investigation of the ways in which the principle of territoriality should be revisited in light of the globalization of markets and concomitant changes in modern marketing practices. Although the multidimensional nature of the territoriality principle suggests that an overarching reconfiguration would be unwise and perhaps impossible, some shared dilemmas can be derived from analysis of discrete rules. If the territorial character of a rule reflects the intrinsic purpose of trademark law and is thus rooted in social practices that are already in flux, the character of these doctrines will almost inevitably mutate as the notion of territoriality evolves in line with social change. Such revisions will swim with the current of socially constructed territoriality. If, however, the territoriality of a doctrine instead mirrors the national nature of economic and political institutions, then efforts to revise the doctrines will first require altering the underlying institutional and policymaking apparatus. Moreover, in deciding whether particular territorial aspects of trademark law warrant reassessment, it is important to consider whether trademark law should be structured reactively to protect whatever consumer understandings or producer goodwill develops, or should it instead proactively seek to shape the ways in which consumers shop and producers sell or seek to acquire rights, thus shaping how the economy functions?
Finally, the paper briefly highlights the extent to which there is, or should be, an assimilation of the "territorial" and the "national." Analysis of the choices facing trademark law might be better achieved by consciously separating nationality and territoriality. Recognition of the territoriality of goodwill is linked to the basic purposes of trademark law, while nationality-grounded doctrines are more likely driven by economic policy and by institutional issues such as the practical demands of current political structures. Recognizing this distinction would assist in highlighting where reform is likely to be evolutionary and where modification of political structures - whether judicial or administrative - must first occur.
In prior work, we took up the question of the TRIPs Agreement's resilience to changes in domestic law. We argued that such resilience is necessary because information production is a dynamic enterprise. As new industries emerge and mature, nations must have the flexibility to modify their intellectual property rules to readjust the balance between public and private rights. In the course of that study, we examined approaches to TRIPs dispute resolution that could cabin the choices of legislation available to deal with emergent substantive problems, and which could distort the legal environment in which creative enterprises are conducted. In this piece, we continue our consideration of the resilience of the Agreement and its commitment to neo-federalism. Here, however, we move from a focus on outcomes to the dynamics of the legislative process, examining the extent to which TRIPs dispute resolution adequately accommodates the operation of each member's political economy as it relates to intellectual property lawmaking.
Frequently, as intellectual property lawmaking becomes fiercely contested, reforms can only occur when a balanced package of rules can be reached. We ask whether such deals (or perhaps which of such deals, depending upon the connection between the reforms) should be taken into account by WTO panels. We argue that when legislation represents offsetting benefits and detriments, respect for domestic political dynamics requires panels to consider constituent pieces of such legislation in the context of the package in which they were enacted.
In previous work, we questioned whether the jurisprudence that has developed with regard to the GATT's trade provisions should apply equally to intellectual property, noting that differences between trade and intellectual property policy mandated different approaches. Here we reiterate that position, but make something of a converse argument as well: there are commonalities between the problems that nations experience in executing their trade commitments and their intellectual property commitments. Thus, it is significant that in its early years, the GATT incorporated strategies that created flexibility and permitted nations to deal autonomously with matters of domestic trade; we argue that similar mechanisms are required in TRIPs jurisprudence, especially in the Agreement?s formative stage.
We also focus on the effect that TRIPs, as currently understood, has on domestic lawmaking. If WTO panel decisions intrude more into national law, might lawmakers begin to enact legislation in reliance on international invalidation of whole or parts of the enactment? Should formulation of domestic policy take this into account? Further, would the formalistic approach that has been taken to TRIPs jurisprudence benefit domestic lawmaking by reducing the effect of lobbying? Or would it simply induce more nuanced log-rolling, or the enactment of laws aimed at influencing intellectual property production but under a different legislative rubric (such as food and drug regulation or consumer law)? Indeed, answers to these questions might affect not only lawmaking at the national level but, in turn, the form of WTO dispute settlement. We go so far as to suggest that there may be a role for the (much-feared) nonviolation complaints in navigating these complexities.